This is Part Two of a two-part series by Connor Lees on contributions from the Energy and Natural Resources sector. Part One, published yesterday, can be viewed here.
Introduction.
The primary body controlling all energy legislation in the House is the Energy and Commerce Committee, and it is likely that those in the oil, gas and electric utility industries looking to influence energy policies would target them as they are the first step towards building energy legislation. The final installment of this two part study, which yesterday took a look at the House of Representatives as a whole, takes a more in depth look at the specific contributions behind the House Energy and Commerce Committee members to see how policy is influenced at the fundamental level by this massive sector.
The Committee.
The Republican-led House Energy and Commerce Committee is chaired by Fred Upton of Michigan, with Democrat Henry Waxman of California as the Ranking Member. The committee is made up of 31 Republican members and 23 Democratic members, with subcommittees that handle energy, power, and the environment among other things such as health, technology, manufacturing and trade. This committee has played a major role in both blockading progressive energy policy as well as furiously attacking federal institutions and programs like the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Energy’s loan guarantee program for renewable energy technology. But what are the influences behind the obstructionism of this committee and the House during this past Congress? Is it interests in home districts, or are interests being fueled by a platform founded on contributions from big industries?
The Evidence.
To begin, the contributions to each member from the oil & gas and electric utilities sector were compiled and examined. Excluding the Democratic representative from the Virgin Islands, Rep. Donna Christensen, a chart of contributions was plotted to examine the overall patterns within the committee. The focus was put on these two industries because of their relevance to the committee as well as their relatively greater influence than the other industries in the sector. The results are as follows:
Half of the 22 Democratic members of the committee received less than $15,000 from each of both industries, while only one Republican of the 31 total was in that category. Furthermore, 8 Republicans received more than $100,000 from at least one industry, while only one Democrat achieved that. Republicans clearly dominate earning contributions from these industries, with many of the members amassing far more money from one industry than several Democrats’ total contributions combined. Fred Upton (R-MI), the Committee Chairperson, raked in over $100,000 from oil & gas, and over $250,000 from electric utilities. It is clear that contributions to this committee are massive, and very slanted towards Republicans, which was expected based on knowledge of the contributions to the House of Representatives as a whole published in yesterday’s blog.
Aside from the fact that Republicans are traditionally supported by these two major industries, the strength of these industries in each Representative’s home district is also important in determining contributions. For example, Rep. Pompeo from Kansas boasts the highest contributions from the oil & gas industry in part because of the massive number of oil fields in his district. For that reason, the average contribution per member will be examined as a basic way of controlling the various influences on contributions.
Upon determining averages, the slant towards Republican candidates is still evident in both industries. With Democrats earning well under half the contributions Republicans receive on average, they are at quite the disadvantage. But is this any greater of a disadvantage relative to what members of the House are receiving as a whole? In other words, how does being a member of the committee relevant to the industries affect contributions, if at all?
According to the numbers, it makes a huge difference. House Democrats on the committee receive five times as much from oil & gas industries on average compared to the average house member ($26.5k to $5.5k), and a bit less than twice as much from electric utilities ($22.2k to $12.3k). Republicans on the committee also increase their shares, pulling about $24.6k more from oil & gas than members not on the committee (with $35.8k) and more than doubling electric utility contributions over the non-committee member average from $21.8k to $50.0k for committee members. These industries especially emphasize lobbying this specific committee to persuade members to adopt advantageous policies, and use great sums of money to do it. The dramatic increase of contributions from the oil and gas industry to Democratic members of the committee also shows that these industries leave no exception in making contributions to win over politicians, regardless of party.
Conclusion.
It is a sure sign of the times with increasing sums of money being pumped into the political process, as evidenced by the influence of these two massive industries. It is no more clear than in what has been shown here—from the increasing amount of money given to the greatly increased amounts given to members of the relevant committee. It is also seen that Republicans have a consistently solid base of funding from these two industries, which helps to explain the obstructionist nature of their actions as well as their desire to keep oil and gas as the main energy sources for the country.
At least in part because of this money, the Military’s attempts to use biofuel and new generation technologies instead of traditional fossil fuels as well as production tax credit extensions for wind and other renewable energies have been met with huge opposition from Republicans who clamor to maintain the energy status quo. On the other hand, Democrats have been weak in stepping forward for these initiatives, also having shifted to a less progressive national energy strategy as well as slowly giving in to a Keystone XL Pipeline approval as the push continues from the opposition. While the contributions are not 100 percent of the cause, it is no coincidence that money is working behind the scenes. One could speculate that more money, and thus greater influence, from the renewable energy industry would help strengthen the position of the Democrats in pushing away from oil, gas, and fossil fuels, but the current monopoly of influence that the massive oil industry has on Congress is making that possibility dimmer by the day.
Money talks in politics, and right now oil, gas, and electric utilities are drowning out the cries of the renewable energy industry. With those industries so deeply entrenched in power, the energy landscape will difficult to change without betraying money, something many politicians are hesitant to do.
Source: All data gathered from the Center for Responsive Politics OpenSecrets.org website. A special thanks to them for all of their hard work and excellent data for making this possible. All data presented was accessed on, and is current as of, July 17, 2012.